The late US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who has died at the age of 84, was considered among the most powerful holders of that office in US history. While countless vice-presidents were limited to minor or symbolic functions, Cheney exercised huge power during the administration of George W Bush, so much so that he was frequently referred to as the "true president".
Bush objected to such a characterisation and claimed the connection was more nuanced. He pointed out that Cheney was deferential, invariably referring to him in official appearances as President, while he called him as Dick. Bush questioned even characterisations of their relationship as a partnership because it suggested that they were on equal footing. Regardless of these objections, Cheney viewed the easygoing president pliable on a whole raft of governmental choices.
The Post-9/11 Era
Leading of a faction of conservative hawks that encompassed Pentagon chief Donald Rumsfeld and Pentagon second-in-command Paul Wolfowitz, he vigorously promoted the armed incursion of Iraq in 2003 in reaction to the terrorist strikes on New York and Washington. When of the 9/11 strike, Bush had been attending a session at a school in Florida. Whereas Bush headed for a underground facility in Nebraska, Cheney assumed control, ordering the shooting down of any non-communicating planes approaching the Capitol building.
Cheney stated the assaults changed him, making him become determined on retaliation. Together with other conservative figures, such as Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he lobbied for a invasion of Afghanistan in an attempt to seize Osama bin Laden. Cheney then strongly advocated for the armed intervention of Iraq, even though there was no evidence of Saddam Hussein having involvement.
Debated Policies
He voiced no apologies about the invasion, in which an estimated 100,000 Iraqis died, and not about the enhanced interrogation of detainees apprehended after 9/11. He informed CNN in 2015 that the Iraq military action, which was based on misleading information echoed by Cheney, was the right decision. "It was the right thing to do at that time. I was convinced at the time and I believe it today."
Yet even at the time, there were opposing views at a senior level about the poor management of Iraq. One of the administration's own delegates to the region, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not reappointed from the position. "I witnessed, as a baseline," he later wrote "clear negligence, negligence, and unaccountability: in the worst case, falsehoods, ineptitude, and graft."
Broader Context
Cheney was not entirely to blame for the Iraq campaign. Before 9/11, Wolfowitz had advocated for similar measures. He had composed a document outlining situations in which national priorities might be compromised (encompassing "obtaining crucial commodities, mainly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had contended that "the US should be prepared to act independently when cooperative measures cannot be orchestrated," particularly referencing armed actions against Iraq.
Bush too had arrived in the White House generally inclined on executing what his parent had specifically avoided to do in 1991; overthrow Saddam. Subsequent to he had been fired by the White House, the finance chief Paul O'Neill revealed how, at the opening session of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had stated his intention of reducing America's engagement in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and mooted defense operations against Iraq.
Bush held a private grievance against Saddam, convinced he had been responsible for a plot to assassinate his parent, President George HW Bush, on a trip to Kuwait in 1993. He also disliked that one of the largest establishments in Baghdad had a ground design with a image of his father's face that all visitors had to tread upon.
Questioning Techniques
Yet it was Cheney who was one of the most vehement behind striking Iraq, consistently citing agency briefings that were whether thin or totally deceptive. He backed what the Bush White House euphemistically referred to as "enhanced interrogation", the employment of waterboarding and physical pressure.
Responding to a Senate document in 2014 that concluded that no useful information had come from the interrogation methods, Cheney rejected the conclusions as "riddled with crap". He stated to Fox News: "We asked [the CIA] to implement measures and establish procedures to apprehend the bastards who murdered 3,000 of us on 9/11 and make sure it would not recur. That's exactly what they did and they merit a lot of credit."
External Perception
Cheney enjoyed monikers given to him by detractors such as the Star Wars villain and The Prince of Darkness, and by the concept that he was a shadow power directing Bush. In the journalist's 2013 publication about the duo, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is reported as stating: "Do I represent the evil genius in the background that nobody ever sees come out of his lair? It's a effective way to function, actually."
Commercial Ties
Dispute over his commercial relationships followed him during his tenure as VP. Even though he had minimal expertise in business but established relationships in defence, particularly in Saudi Arabia, he was asked to become part of Halliburton, one of the world's biggest oil and gas companies, in 1995 as leader and top executive.
In 2000 he became Bush's running mate for the presidency. Controversially, during the conflict in Iraq, Halliburton was given US agreements totaling billions.
It significantly boosted his finances. His annual income during his tenure at the firm increased from his quarter-million dollars when he was military head to over four million. When he departed in 2000 he had a compensation package valued at in excess of $20m|twenty